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When policymakers embark upon restructuring as
opposed to deregulating a heavily regulated industry, they risk
creating more regulation than existed before. This is the dilemma
created by Congress’s calls for mandatory retail "open access" in
electricity, several variants of which are being discussed in the
House Commerce energy and power subcommittee today. Would-be
reformers from both political parties intend to assure that every
commercial, residential or industrial customer shall have a choice
of any electricity provider, while the local utility would be
required to distribute the new provider’s electricity.
"Open access disease." Nearly every network industry – not just
electricity but telecommunications, railroads, cable TV firms --
suffers from what might be called "open access disease." This
regulatory infection is caused by dual exposure to regulators who
consider themselves indispensable to competitive markets, and to
economists and policymakers who cling to the idea that capitalism
generates "natural monopolies" apart from a government-granted
franchise.
The incurable problem with the open access concept, which nearly all
of the bills being discussed by the subcommittee share, is its
coercive character. In electricity, the desire of a transmission or
distribution owner to control its wires is not compatible with the
desire of its competitors to hitch an uninvited ride -- a problem
for which there is no stable regulatory solution.
Thus, despite years of effort, federal electricity reform stands a
strong chance of dying of open access disease again in Congress.
Every fundamental question – state vs. federal jurisdiction, the
role of "independent system operators" (ISOs) who will manage the
power grid, the role of rural power, stranded costs – remains hotly
debated.
Dirty secret. More substantial and robust electricity competition
could emerge if more precious years weren’t wasted trying to mandate
it. Achieving competition does not require granting everybody with a
kite and a key the right to dump their power into the grid for
somebody else to manage. Instead, artificial barriers that prohibit
voluntary competition -- the state-granted exclusive local service
territories that protect incumbents -- should be removed. The dirty
secret of open access is that it leaves these delivery franchises
intact.
Taking the step of simply removing statutory monopoly rights would
grant to entrepreneurs, adventurous electric utilities and
independent power producers the clout to cut voluntary access deals,
and develop infrastructure by forming buying or sharing rights of
way with network industry cousins such as telecommunications,
Internet, and railroad firms. For instance, an independent power
producer could team up with a Baby Bell and real estate developers
to share costs of providing electricity and communications services
to residential and business customers.
Emulating Qwest. Some entrepreneurs could emulate telecommunications
companies like Qwest and Level 3. Each is financing fiber networks
thousands of miles long that feature buried, redundant empty plastic
conduits for rapid installation of next-generation fiber for
high-speed data. Fiber is far faster that either cable or DSL
broadband technology. Therefore, barring a breakthrough in wireless
data transmission, a multi-billion dollar campaign to rewire the
"last mile" to household consumers may materialize, so sharing costs
with power entrepreneurs could prove essential.
Under genuine competition, incumbent utilities constantly threatened
with entry will likely be induced to offer open access voluntarily;
Thus the aims of congressional and state forced open access
advocates will yet emerge -- but in a market-driven manner.
Other competitive pressures include potential adoption of
lightweight microturbines, capable of serving a 7-Eleven or a large
home, which some researchers believe could rival the change in
computing from the mainframe to the desktop in significance.
Second wires inevitable. Consultant Mark Mills points out that
today’s "noisy" and "dirty" grid is leading developers to design
buildings with separate power systems, and argues that second wires
are inevitable, and that the grid ultimately will need to emulate
the architecture of the Internet to attain necessary reliability
levels. The ability to make and execute such market strategies
depends crucially on owners and operators who directly profit or
lose from decisions. If the grid is managed by ISOs as more
reformers propose, those market incentives disappear.
Other potential avenues for competition include: relatively new
computer controlled sideways-drilling technology that allows oil and
gas companies to flexibly snake under streets with no disturbance
above-ground; silicon-based switches that improve technological
control over power flows, making it less true that electrons won’t
respect borders and that heavy regulation is therefore needed. User
ownership of portions of the grid, driven by an end to franchises,
is another.
Ending exclusive distribution franchises is necessary to ensure that
firms other than existing distribution utility monopolies can
exploit all these options. If the delivery monopolies remain intact,
a homeowner’s association or business park deploying microturbines,
for example, could find itself in violation of a local franchise. As
Tom Casten of Trigen Energy notes, if he crosses the street with a
wire he goes to jail. Open access can similarly stand in the way of
localized exploitation of alternative energy options by
entrepreneurs.
Transmission innovation. Forced access advocates forget that
innovation in transmission and distribution schemes is as important
as any other kind of innovation. Forced access compromises
entrepreneurial incentives to embrace innovations and enhance
reliability because their advance remains too dependent upon what
regulators do.
Altering the deregulatory approach in the 106th Congress would set
in motion a restructuring that is as fully efficient and
entrepreneurial as possible. Years would be saved, and the need to
revisit the industry to have its distortions legislatively ironed
out, as appears likely in telecommunications despite the reform act
of 1996, would be minimized. Of course, if franchises are removed
and competition doesn't start to emerge in some places, then the
states may properly consider forced access, but only on a
rifle-shot, basis.
There is too often a tendency among policymakers to embrace
technocratic solutions. Under genuine competition, regulators
disappear. In contrast, mandatory access risks armor plating
regulators, in the form of grid overseers, at a critical moment in
business history when other network industries are exploding with
redundancy and overlap to serve customers better.
Inefficiencies and consumer harms created by actual government
monopolization and management of the power grid will outweigh any
potential but unlikely monopolistic abuses by the private owners of
transmission and distribution. The answers to questions regarding
the shape of tomorrow’s power markets are not all locked in today’s
initial conditions. Information will be created by entrepreneurs as
we go along. But not if the industry succumbs to open access
disease.
Clyde Wayne Crews
http://cei.org/gencon/004,01645.cfm |